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#196
07-02-08, 09:46 PM
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Aging passion-Killer Than Shwe receives only barbed Valentines in his dotage
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Posts on the 'Killer Than Shwe' ads in the Myanmar Times: http://www.angkor.com/2bangkok/2bang...96&postcount=5 http://www.angkor.com/2bangkok/2bang...79&postcount=4 http://www.angkor.com/2bangkok/2bang...37&postcount=3 http://www.angkor.com/2bangkok/2bang...98&postcount=1 Last edited by GWR; 07-02-08 at 09:57 PM.. 
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#197
14-03-08, 10:31 AM
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Junta on Samak-Thai PM meets Than Shwe
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http://www.myanmar.com/newspaper/nlm/index.html Quote:
http://www.bangkokpost.com/breaking_....php?id=126495 It will be interesting to see whether he actually gets to meet Than Shwe. Ah, yes he did! See also 2nd article below: Quote:
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Last edited by GWR; 14-03-08 at 08:43 PM..
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#198
15-03-08, 06:02 PM
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Constructive mutual enrichment?
 [Cartoon: Stepff - The Irrawaddy]  [Cartoon: http://sacrava.blogspot.com/ ] Quote:
http://www.bangkokpost.com/topstorie....php?id=126524 Quote:
Last edited by GWR; 18-03-08 at 12:02 PM..
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#199
30-03-08, 04:50 PM
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It is time for a change of the SR but also a stronger mandate. Unfortunately the UNSC has been weak on Burma in the last couple of years due mainly to China but also other rotating members such as South Africa (quite ironic when you consider the important role of UNGA resolutions and sanctions in ending Apartheid). Let's see if Indo and Vietnam do any better?
Time's up, Gambari! UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari's mediation efforts in Burma have failed. It's time for him to ask for a stronger mandate or quit, writes MIN ZIN Bkk Post 30/03/08 The United Nations' mediation efforts in Burma have become snared in a trap. The special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, is now caught between an unsuccessful mediation and his reluctance to admit failure. Frustration abounds. Gambari appears to have become the target of mounting disappointments. Most Burmese opposition groups would say he deserves it. During his briefing on Burma with the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) on March 18, Gambari seemed anxious to prove how important his role as special envoy really was. Though he admitted his efforts had yielded "no immediate tangible outcome," he insisted the efforts of the UN good offices were "relevant" to both sides - the opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the military regime. Gambari even said in his briefing that he had reason to believe that the Burmese government attaches importance to his mission and "continues to value the secretary-general's good offices as the best prospect for further cooperation through mutual trust and confidence, and constructive suggestions." Unfortunately, the facts do not allow the special envoy grounds for such optimism. According to highly publicised state media reports, Burmese Information Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan urged him to support the junta's "seven-step road map" and stop pursuing alternatives suggested by Western democracies. The regime's information czar added that if Gambari tried to force the country to meet Western calls for reform, "we would be concerned that your task of offering impartial advice may be undermined." As a clear indication of the regime's lack of cooperation, military chief Than Shwe, the only true decision-maker in Burma, shunned Gambari on his last two visits. In fact, the junta has already rejected the UN's key proposals. It turned down suggestions that Burma should set up a broad-based constitutional revising commission in order to ensure an inclusive political process, and establish a poverty alleviation commission. After the two proposals were rejected, Gambari, on his last trip to the country, put forward one more suggestion to the junta - that Burma invite international observers to the upcoming referendum. Reportedly, the junta's information minister responded with a blunt "no." Additionally, senior Burmese military officials announced that the new constitution would bar Aung San Suu Kyi from running in future elections because she was previously married to a foreigner, a British scholar, who died of cancer nine years ago. Gambari's failure has become so severe that he could not even manage to persuade UN Security Council members to release a much-anticipated Presidential Statement after his briefing. However, the Council may release a Presidential Statement on Burma next week, thanks to the hard work of US-led Western democracies. Council members are now negotiating the language of the statement. However, no one should expect a strong statement from the UNSC, a diplomat warned. "It will be a statement with a very mild tone," said a source close to the UN. The faith of Burmese dissident groups in Gambari's mission is about to hit rock bottom. "We hoped he (Gambari) would ask the Council to strengthen the mandate of the secretary-general in pressuring the junta for an all party-inclusive, transparent and democratic process of national reconciliation in our country. However, to our surprise and sadness, he misled the Council," read a joint statement issued by the All Burma Monks Alliance and the 88 Generation Students group on March 26. Blocked channel In fact, there may be a valid reason to consider broader factors for his ineffectiveness and do justice to Gambari. "Mr Gambari's efforts should be understood in a larger context, instead of over-focusing on his diplomatic skill. The success of Gambari's mission depends on the readiness of key international players to use their leverage over the Burmese junta," said Dr Thaung Tun, UN representative of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma - effectively the Burmese government in exile. "At the same time, we also need to review how Gambari engages the junta; whether or not he adheres to the line of principled engagement." UN officials maintain that "the role of the good offices is still very intact" and "very much a work in progress." "I do understand there is the expression of frustration, but you can't expect miracles to happen to a situation that has been going years and years," said Choi Soung-ah, a UN spokeswoman. "Mr Gambari currently is the world's only tie into the government of Myanmar. From the UN perspective, it is very important not to take drastic action immediately because we don't want to shut down the only channel." This channel, however, can prompt disservice to genuine international mediation efforts on Burma. According to senior diplomats in Europe, the argument prevailing among Asian countries - including China and even some European nations - is that they support the UN special envoy's mediation. So long as Gambari says his mission is relevant and can yield positive results, they will not undermine him. They will support him - and wait and see. "In fact, they justify their hands off policy by hiding behind Gambari's mission," said a senior diplomat from the EU. "Unless Gambari admits that he can't do anything with the present mandate, he is unwittingly dragging the mediation effort into the swamp. No better alternative will be found." Aung Din, the executive director of the US Campaign for Burma, agrees. "Burma is now being hijacked by Gambari," said Aung Din. "His effort has failed miserably again and again and again. Unless the mission is enhanced and strengthened by the UN Security Council, nothing positive can be expected. But instead of admitting that, he is still acting like he remains relevant and can do magic. It is a high disservice to international mediation efforts. For the people of Burma, we feel betrayed." In fact, Gambari has already exhausted his capacity for persuasion, the principal source of leverage that a mediator wields. Instead of drowning himself further in quagmire, he may want to use another source of leverage - his own termination. As a mediator, he can say "I withdraw now. I can't make any progress with the current mandate. I need stronger Security Council support to deal with the Burmese generals." Of course, his withdrawal will not have a direct impact on the military junta - the generals in Naypyidaw are not so sensitive to such threats. But it will make China and Asean feel more pressured to cooperate with Western democracies to resolve Burma's crisis. At least, it will be easier for US-led Western democracies to compel China and Asean (especially two current Council members: Indonesia and Vietnam) to approve a stronger Council mandate for the UN special envoy. All in all, if Gambari uses the threat of withdrawal skillfully it could yield a greater opportunity to raise the Burma issue in the UN Security Council. Min Zin is a Burmese journalist.
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#200
01-05-08, 10:41 AM
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Last edited by GWR; 04-05-08 at 08:07 PM..
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#201
11-05-08, 09:47 PM
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A pleasant sufficiency of democracy?
See also previous post on the attitude of Thai PM Samak Sundaravej to recent events in Myanmar.
This rather embarassing report has been stuck on the online version of the New Light of Myanmar for over a week. They have presumably been unable to update because of the enormous aftermath of Cyclone Nargis. I wouldn't exactly call it shocking, since anyone who has taken a close interest in this issue over the years will have noted quite a few similar sentiments being expressed. That said, NLM can hardly be called an honest reporter of events: Quote:
Last edited by GWR; 11-05-08 at 11:14 PM..
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#202
11-05-08, 11:22 PM
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An unpleasant insufficiency of almost everything! - Part 1
See also tonight's previous post.
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#203
11-05-08, 11:26 PM
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Further report, from the same source, about later proceedings on Referendum Day: http://english.dvb.no/news.php?id=1251 Last edited by GWR; 11-05-08 at 11:31 PM..
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#204
06-08-08, 12:14 AM
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Dirty diplos do it by the double dozen!
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Last edited by GWR; 06-08-08 at 12:27 AM..
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#205
07-01-09, 11:15 AM
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Junta Proctologist's hard day @ the Neo-Colonialist Oriface
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Last edited by GWR; 07-01-09 at 11:18 AM..
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#206
24-10-09, 07:04 PM
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Junta's military rulers play with the West: Releasing thousands from jail is only a ploy to gain some credibility Bkk Post, Spectrum 27/09/2009
Burma's military rulers are up to their old tricks, trying again to hoodwink the West. Just before the United Nations General Assembly gets underway in New York this week, the regime announced the released more than 7,000 prisoners to try to deflect attention from them. Usually in this annual UN session Burma's human rights record and progress to democratic elections are thoroughly reviewed; a strong resolution demanding the release of all political prisoners, national reconciliation and the return to democracy is adopted by the international body. But this year the process was given an added boost when the US announced it was shifting its policy towards the junta, and pursuing a policy of engagement as well as sanctions to help bring democratic change to Burma. Engagement versus sanctions is a false choice in our opinion, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced at the UN last Wednesday. "So, going forward we will be employing both of these tools ... to help achieve democratic reform, we will be engaging directly with the Burmese authorities. "We want credible democratic reform, a government that responds to the needs of the Burmese people, the immediate, unconditional release of political prisoners ... [and] serious dialogue with the opposition and minority ethnic groups," Mrs Clinton said. So with this in mind, the regime released thousands of prisoners. Most of these are petty criminals, although about 200 political prisoners are also amongst those freed. "These releases are a show case to ease international pressure," Bo Kyi, the head of a group of former Burmese prisoners, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners - Burma (AAPPB) said. "We expect more than 200 to be released within the next few days," he added. The fact that the Burmese prime minister, General Thein Sein, recently arrived in New York for this week's speeches is also significant, according to Rangoon-based diplomats. General Thein Sein is the highest junta leader to attend the UN session in more than 15 years. It is usually the foreign minister and a large team of diplomats who defend the regime during these UN proceedings. "All eyes are on the junta's prime minister," said a European diplomat who closely follows Burmese affairs from Bangkok. "We expect him to make a significant announcement in New York, probably related to next year's elections," he added. Some analysts also believe that this latest mass prisoner release is intended to increase the credibility of next year's multi-party elections - the first since 1990, which the opposition party led by Aung San Suu Kyi won convincingly but the military never allowed them to form a government. The regime has been constantly told that these elections are critical for Burma's relations with its neighbours and the world as a whole. "The elections must be an inclusive and transparent process if they are to be at all credible," the Asean secretary-general, Surin Pitsuwan, told Spectrum. The UN has made it clear that it expects these elections to be free and fair, something its secretary-general emphasised late last week. "The year 2010 will be a critical year for Myanmar [Burma]," Ban Ki-moon said. "The first planned election in 20 years must be held in an inclusive and credible manner to advance prospects for stability, democracy and national development," he reminded the junta leaders. Although a mass amnesty for political prisoners is part of the junta's seven-stage roadmap to multi-party elections, activists accuse the junta of cynically releasing these political prisoners to deflect international pressure, especially at the UN, where the annual General Assembly started last week. Burma usually comes under intense scrutiny during this meeting. "Every one of these prisoners is a person, and it is unacceptable that the junta uses them as chips to bargain with and play the international community," said David Scott Mathieson, the Burma researcher for the US group Human Rights Watch. At least 127 political prisoners have been freed, according to the Thailand-based group AAPPB, which closely monitors the situation inside Burma. So far more than 40 members of Ms Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), have been freed, three of whom were elected as members of parliament in 1990. Six members of the 88 Generation Students group, who were sentenced to more than 60 years in jail for their alleged part in organising the Buddhist monk-led mass protests two years ago against rising food prices, were also among those released from jail. Four monks arrested after the Saffron Revolt in 2007, four journalists, 13 students and a lawyer were also freed, according to AAPPB. The government announced last week that exactly 7,114 prisoners were to be released on compassionate grounds. "The choice of 7,114 prisoners clearly smacks of the influence of astrologers," said Bertil Lintner, a writer and Burma specialist based in Thailand. The regime's leaders always consult astrologers to establish the most auspicious dates and times for key events. It is meant to bring them luck. At least another 3,000 prisoners will be released shortly, including a few more political prisoners, according to a senior military source in the Burmese capital Naypyidaw. Some of the political prisoners freed were on the UN's priority list submitted to the junta's leaders by the UN secretary-general's special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, earlier this year. Mr Ban also raised this issue with the top general, Than Shwe, during his failed mission to Burma in July, when Mr Ban was refused permission to meet Ms Suu Kyi. At the time, Mr Ban was promised that a substantial number of political prisoners would be released before the elections in 2010. "The release of some political prisoners last week is a step in the right direction, but it falls short of our expectations," Mr Ban said after a special meeting of the Friends of Burma group at the UN, which included the US secretary of state, Mrs Clinton. "All political prisoners must be released - including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi." "Clearly, this is a gesture in response to Ban Ki-moon's request, made on behalf of the international community, during his visit to Myanmar earlier this year," Benjamin Zawacki, the Burma researcher for the UK-based human rights group Amnesty International, told Spectrum. "And as such it is disingenuous and insultingly insufficient." Diplomats in Rangoon believe more political prisoners will be released gradually in the coming months. "Technically there is still time before the elections for this [recent] mass release to be only the first step - with many more to follow in quick succession - but all the signs and signals suggest this will not be the case," said Mr Zawacki. "But at the current rate of release - every six to 12 months - it will be literally decades before the last of the political prisoners are released," he added. "If the SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] was serious about making the elections free and fair, they would release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi," said Zin Linn, a spokesman for the exiled-opposition, based in Thailand. "They may free other activists, but the key opposition leaders will certainly be kept behind bars until after the election," he added. Most analysts and diplomats involved in Burma understand that all political prisoners cannot be released simultaneously. The regime continues to fear that this might spark widespread social unrest and political protests - even though two years after the Saffron Revolt, this seems highly unlikely. "The release of political prisoners is a process, and while they may not all be freed all at once, there must be significant and regular releases," Mr Gambari said recently.
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#207
24-10-09, 07:05 PM
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Cont....
Over the years there have been frequent mass releases of prisoners, usually to signal the start of a new era. In February this year, 6,313 prisoners were released, 31 of whom were political prisoners. This amnesty was to allow the released detainees "to participate in fair elections to be held in 2010", said the state-run media. Most of these political prisoners were on a previous priority list of 200 submitted by the UN, said Mr Gambari, who handed the names to the junta's leaders. In September 2008, the regime freed 9,002 prisoners; to "turn them into citizens to be able to participate in building a new nation", according to the state-run media. Only nine were political prisoners, including Win Tin, a prominent NLD leader and journalist who had spent 19 years in prison. In an amnesty in November 2007 to mark the conclusion of the National Convention, the junta released 8,585 prisoners, including 20 political prisoners. This latest mass amnesty certainly signals the start of the run-up to the 2010 elections. The forthcoming polls are dominating everything in Burma at the moment - even though the voting date is yet to be announced - according to diplomats and businessmen in Rangoon. Another reason for the mass release of prisoners may also be in preparation for a possible crackdown on the opposition during the elections. "The junta cannot afford to allow the campaign to be free and fair," said Mr Lintner. "They are emptying the jails now to fill them up later - that's what also happened in 1988, ahead of the mass pro-democracy protests, when thousands and thousands of activists were later locked up," he said. But what activists fear is that the regime is up to its old tricks. "The SPDC is still playing games," said Zin Linn. "Cracking down and easing pressure when it suits them, and then re-asserting their power when they need to." It is all part of the military ruler's strategy to keep control and prevent social unrest, according to activists and human rights groups. "Even if a handful of political activists have been free, others are still being arrested," said Mr Mathieson. "The message is clear - any threat to the 2010 elections will be dealt with harshly," he added. Human rights groups and activists agree - if the regime is serious about a mass amnesty for political prisoners and a credible election, all political prisoners have to be freed and allowed to participate freely in the elections. "The regime should set up a timetable for the release of all political prisoners," said Bo Kyi. "Otherwise no one will believe they mean to release them before the elections."
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