GWR
03-02-06, 12:00 AM
Location and the Dilemmas of Muslim Political Community in Southern Thailand
An essay for the First Inter-Dialogue Conference on Southern Thailand: 13-15 June, 2002, Pattani, Thailand
By Carlo Bonura, Jr.
Department of Political Science
University of Washington, Seattle, USA
http://mis-pattani.pn.psu.ac.th/registra/grade/temp/speech/Bonura/Bonura's%20paper%20(panel%2016).html
The maps in this essay include one from a book by Surin Pitsuwan, who went on to become Foreign Minister in the last Chuan Government. I need to read this in detail, but it does show straight away the difficulties of defining Pattani; from either a devolutionist or separatist viewpoint. The first 'Pitsuwan' map is linked, because it's too wide for pageloading in a forum. The second map is visible in the thread (below) and should give you some idea why the present Malaysian Government is not keen to take any act which might strengthen those Malaysian States which have adopted a more fundamentalist agenda. Although, by some accounts, they are not beyond taking actions which might muddy the water:-
Conclusion
http://mis-pattani.pn.psu.ac.th/registra/grade/temp/speech/Bonura/Image54.gif
The opening page of 'Islam and Malay Nationalism' includes the above hand-drawn map, without attribution or citation, that clarifies for Pitsuwan’s readers the broad geographical borders of the “Greater Patani Malay State” that he refers to in his prose and the potential consequences of separatist ambitions should they be successful in their goal of statehood. It is difficult to determine, however, if the map contains a gesture to the historical boundaries of a “Greater Patani” or one toward a nationalist vision of a future pan-Islamic state. As a historical representation the map displays curious details. The modern border of Malaysia is displayed as the “State’s” southern border. The effect of this border is to exclude the Malay state of Kelantan that Pitsuwan in his text includes as a part of a Greater Patani. Also, the inclusion of Satun does not reflect the lack of significant historical relations between Satun (or Langgu) and Pattani. In many ways, Pitsuwan’s sketch is one of a modern nationalist vision that attempts to fix the location of Muslim political community within the confines of modern geopolitical realities (such as recognition of the Malaysian border as the limit of separatist aspirations).
On the other hand, the very title of the map referring to a “Greater Patani” functions historically as it calls upon a former kingdom now eclipsed by the Thai nation-state. The vision of a “Patani Besar” (Greater Patani) can also be found in other nationalist historiographies, such as in the map found in Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani’s Pengantar Sejarah Patani [Introduction to the History of Patani] (1994). Describing the vast area of the kingdom of Raja Sakti I, the map extends south to past Kuala Trengganu (presently modern-day Malaysia) and north to the Isthmus of Kra beyond Patthalung (1994:29, see map below).
http://mis-pattani.pn.psu.ac.th/registra/grade/temp/speech/Bonura/Image55.gif
This is certainly a different historical view of a Greater Patani from the map found in Islam and Malay Nationalism. It connotes a historical importance to Patani, in fact, more vast than Pitsuwan’s geographical suggestion. Instead, it can be argued that the map at the opening of Islam and Malay Nationalism is caught between these two impulses, one that seeks to retain historical claims to legitimacy while the other articulates a nationalist strategy for self-determination separate from the Thai nation-state.
These maps, the locations of political community they infer and their use in nationalist texts demonstrates the complex relationship between location and the formation of modern political community. In the case of southern Thailand, I have argued that differences in language-use, religious education and history become part of narratives of Muslim political community through references to particular locations. This essay has outlined the position of Satun as a space that lies at the limits of nationalist conceptions of a Malay-Muslim community. The different locations of political community that commonly appear in narratives of Muslim politics act as a continuous reference to the “dilemmas” of Muslim political community. As such, the ways in which location becomes a crucial part of the language of political community reflects its unsettled boundaries and ongoing contestation to define its contents and unity.
Surin Pitsuwan (1985) Islam and Malay Nationalism: A case study of the Malay-Muslims of Southern Thailand. Bangkok: Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University
Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani (1994) Pengantar Sejarah Patani. Alor Setar, Malaysia: Pustaka Darussalam.
An essay for the First Inter-Dialogue Conference on Southern Thailand: 13-15 June, 2002, Pattani, Thailand
By Carlo Bonura, Jr.
Department of Political Science
University of Washington, Seattle, USA
http://mis-pattani.pn.psu.ac.th/registra/grade/temp/speech/Bonura/Bonura's%20paper%20(panel%2016).html
The maps in this essay include one from a book by Surin Pitsuwan, who went on to become Foreign Minister in the last Chuan Government. I need to read this in detail, but it does show straight away the difficulties of defining Pattani; from either a devolutionist or separatist viewpoint. The first 'Pitsuwan' map is linked, because it's too wide for pageloading in a forum. The second map is visible in the thread (below) and should give you some idea why the present Malaysian Government is not keen to take any act which might strengthen those Malaysian States which have adopted a more fundamentalist agenda. Although, by some accounts, they are not beyond taking actions which might muddy the water:-
Conclusion
http://mis-pattani.pn.psu.ac.th/registra/grade/temp/speech/Bonura/Image54.gif
The opening page of 'Islam and Malay Nationalism' includes the above hand-drawn map, without attribution or citation, that clarifies for Pitsuwan’s readers the broad geographical borders of the “Greater Patani Malay State” that he refers to in his prose and the potential consequences of separatist ambitions should they be successful in their goal of statehood. It is difficult to determine, however, if the map contains a gesture to the historical boundaries of a “Greater Patani” or one toward a nationalist vision of a future pan-Islamic state. As a historical representation the map displays curious details. The modern border of Malaysia is displayed as the “State’s” southern border. The effect of this border is to exclude the Malay state of Kelantan that Pitsuwan in his text includes as a part of a Greater Patani. Also, the inclusion of Satun does not reflect the lack of significant historical relations between Satun (or Langgu) and Pattani. In many ways, Pitsuwan’s sketch is one of a modern nationalist vision that attempts to fix the location of Muslim political community within the confines of modern geopolitical realities (such as recognition of the Malaysian border as the limit of separatist aspirations).
On the other hand, the very title of the map referring to a “Greater Patani” functions historically as it calls upon a former kingdom now eclipsed by the Thai nation-state. The vision of a “Patani Besar” (Greater Patani) can also be found in other nationalist historiographies, such as in the map found in Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani’s Pengantar Sejarah Patani [Introduction to the History of Patani] (1994). Describing the vast area of the kingdom of Raja Sakti I, the map extends south to past Kuala Trengganu (presently modern-day Malaysia) and north to the Isthmus of Kra beyond Patthalung (1994:29, see map below).
http://mis-pattani.pn.psu.ac.th/registra/grade/temp/speech/Bonura/Image55.gif
This is certainly a different historical view of a Greater Patani from the map found in Islam and Malay Nationalism. It connotes a historical importance to Patani, in fact, more vast than Pitsuwan’s geographical suggestion. Instead, it can be argued that the map at the opening of Islam and Malay Nationalism is caught between these two impulses, one that seeks to retain historical claims to legitimacy while the other articulates a nationalist strategy for self-determination separate from the Thai nation-state.
These maps, the locations of political community they infer and their use in nationalist texts demonstrates the complex relationship between location and the formation of modern political community. In the case of southern Thailand, I have argued that differences in language-use, religious education and history become part of narratives of Muslim political community through references to particular locations. This essay has outlined the position of Satun as a space that lies at the limits of nationalist conceptions of a Malay-Muslim community. The different locations of political community that commonly appear in narratives of Muslim politics act as a continuous reference to the “dilemmas” of Muslim political community. As such, the ways in which location becomes a crucial part of the language of political community reflects its unsettled boundaries and ongoing contestation to define its contents and unity.
Surin Pitsuwan (1985) Islam and Malay Nationalism: A case study of the Malay-Muslims of Southern Thailand. Bangkok: Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University
Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani (1994) Pengantar Sejarah Patani. Alor Setar, Malaysia: Pustaka Darussalam.